I am truly honored to be here today, not only because of the Wiley Award, but
because it is so unusual for a professional society to honor a consumer. For
me it is an honor simply to be in the same room with you who have dedicated
so many years of your professional lives to public service.
I understand that next year marks the 100th anniversary of the Pure Food
and Drugs Act of 1906. Subsequently, the FDA became the premier consumer
protection agency for the entire world. Recently, however, FDA has found itself
in the midst of great controversy and turmoil. Dedicated public servants at
the agency are under fire, and morale is wilting under unremitting attacks by
investigative reporters and congressmen, who were the very ones responsible
for starving the agency of adequate resources to do its job. Yet the FDA, and
not Congress, finds itself in a major credibility crisis.
Let me tell you about my first contact with the FDA. In the late 1970s, I was
a simple housewife from Connecticut with children who have a rare genetic disorder.
My oldest son was severely impacted, and we tried many medications to no avail.
Finally he was put on an investigational drug, and it worked. But a few months
later the manufacturer decided to stop development of the compound. I did not
know at the time that the decision was based solely on economic - not medical
- reasoning. The drug was being developed for a prevalent disease and it was
not effective for that condition. The manufacturer didn't care that it worked
for my son's disease because the market was too small to be sufficiently profitable.
In other words, it was an "orphan drug."
Since I had no answers as to why we couldn't get the drug, I phoned the
FDA. Eventually I spoke to a woman in the neuropharmacology division and asked
why development of the drug was being stopped. In particular, I wanted to know
if my son was in danger; for example, did FDA find out that it caused a serious
side effect such as cancer and therefore ordered the sponsor to discontinue
the clinical trials?
The woman on the phone said, "I can't talk to you until I speak
to a Freedom of Information Officer," and she promised to call me back.
A few hours later she did call me back. She said, "I spoke to the Freedom
of Information Officer, and he said I cannot talk to you."
Needless to say, I hung up the phone in disbelief. That phone conversation,
however, was the very beginning of a battle that culminated in passage of the
Orphan Drug Act of 1983. I spoke with numerous rare disease support
groups who felt the orphan drug dilemma needed to be solved, and that coalition
evolved into the National Organization for Rare Disorders (NORD) dedicated to
the identification, treatment, and cure of rare diseases through programs of
education, advocacy, research, and services forpatients and families.
Ultimately the American orphan drug program became the model for an international
effort to alleviate rare diseases. The U.S. program was initiated because of
the research, documentation, and concepts of Dr. Marion Finkel, an FDA alumnus,
and its unbelievable success can be credited almost exclusively to Dr. Marlene
Haffner, a very dedicated and committed public servant.
When morale at the agency flags, any FDA staff person can point to the FDA's
orphan drug program with great pride. The Office for Orphan Products Development
can share its accomplishments with the rest of the agency, as it continues to
mentor regulatory agencies in the rest of the world. This is one area of FDA
that has no me-too drugs, no life-style drugs, and no inconsequential drugs.
You can all be very proud of the millions of lives that have been saved and
improved by orphan drugs and humanitarian medical devices.
Let me tell you, from a consumer's perspective, the major changes at
the agency in the past 25 years that I believe have led up to the current controversies.
The first FDA commissioner I dealt with was Donald Kennedy, who is currently
the Editor-In-Chief of Science. He was a young energetic man who was committed
to monumental changes at the agency. He didn't get most of what he wanted,
and I clearly remember that he wanted something we still desperately need today:
mandatory understandable patient information leaflets with all prescription
drugs. Needless to say, if patients could read the warnings, side effects and
contraindications every time they received a prescription, a lot of adverse
events could be avoided, and many lives would be saved.
When Dr. Wiley launched the agency in 1906, through the FD&C Act in 1938,
to the 1960s when Dr. Francis Kelsey prevented Thalidomide from being marketed
in the United States, medicine was a paternalistic endeavor. Patients never
questioned what doctors told them. Today, however, we are an Internet society
and patients often question their diagnosis and treatments. They go home and
do their own research; they get second and third opinions; and they demand access
to investigational treatments when nothing else works for a serious or life-threatening
disease.
Today, FDA must serve two very distinct constituencies. One is the general
public, which is largely healthy and requires medicines for temporary and benign
conditions such as the common cold or headaches. These people do not want to
be exposed to risks, and they often expect the FDA to ensure that drugs are
absolutely safe and reasonably effective.
The other segment of FDA's constituency is people with serious or chronic diseases
who want new treatments as quickly as possible. These people are often willing
to bear substantial risks in exchange for possible efficacy - for example, cancer
patients who are willing to take toxic chemotherapy drugs with serious side
effects in exchange for hope of recovery.
These two groups bring tremendous political pressure on the agency. FDA is
pressured to approve new drugs quickly for very sick people, but it is also
compelled to review drugs with more careful deliberation to avoid serious risks
for healthy people.
This conflict emerged with the AIDS epidemic in the 1980s, and Commissioner
Frank Young was faced with these disparate points of view. He came up with a
concept that was applauded by the patient community: Drugs for serious and life-threatening
diseases could be fast-tracked so they could be reviewed in six months. Other
drugs would be given a standard review of one year.
Then in the 1990s came the Prescription Drug User Fee Act (PDUFA)
and its amendments, which changed everything. The pharmaceutical industry pressed
for changes that would speed approvals for all new drugs. Suddenly the FDA's
performance was being measured on speed, not on scientific excellence. Congress,
which never in my experience had adequately financed the FDA, found a good way
to avoid its fiscal responsibility on a permanent basis. The pharmaceutical
industry, which lobbied hard for PDUFA, was not careful about what it wished
for.
Since PDUFA, and particularly the 1997 amendments, FDA has been fast-tracking
most New Molecular Entities (NMEs). When Vioxx, Celebrex, and even Viagra were
reviewed in six months, the writing was on the wall. Each catastrophic pharmaceutical
event has eroded the public's trust in the FDA: The Cox-2 inhibitors,
antidepressants for children, Estrogen, Fen-Phen, Baycol, Rezulin, etc. The
news has gone from bad to worse.
Shockingly, at a public meeting when I heard an FDA official refer to the pharmaceutical
industry as "our customers," it seemed obvious that disaster was
waiting in the wings.
The absence of a permanent FDA Commissioner during the past four and one-half
years, for all but 18 months, is only one problem plaguing the agency. The main
problem in my opinion is that the agency is not funded by a congressional health
committee, but rather an agriculture committee. This is because 100 years ago
the main health problems were caused by adulterated foods. So today FDA's
appropriations compete against diseases of peach trees, catfish farms, and the
tobacco subsidy, to name a few.
Many consumers feel the growing reliance on user fees makes a mockery of FDA's
mission of protecting and improving the public's health. The agency can
only use user fee revenues for new drug reviews. Because Congress has abdicated
its responsibility to adequately fund the agency, FDA has very scant resources
for post-marketing surveillance, or even to monitor pharmaceutical advertising.
If companies blatantly violate FDA's policies, the agency has inadequate
enforcement authority. This is why so few Phase IV studies are done, and why
the agency "negotiated" for more than one year to change the labeling
of Vioxx. How many people needlessly died during the "negotiations"?
Direct-to-consumer advertising is another ridiculous change that I personally
find very hard to tolerate. The pharmaceutical industry says that the ads are
"educational." I have to agree. When my 10-year old granddaughter
asked me what a four-hour erection is, it was very educational.
Companies that develop direct-to-consumer ads can broadcast them before FDA
reviews them. If the agency eventually finds that the ads are inaccurate or
misleading, FDA can order withdrawal of the ads. But by that time millions of
Americans have seen the ads and been influenced by them before they are pulled
off the air.
Congressional hearings have shown that the agency's post-marketing surveillance
system is seriously flawed. Again, this is an example of an unfunded mandate.
Congress expects FDA to monitor adverse events to detect patterns of side effects,
but Congress has not appropriated sufficient funding for the agency to do so,
and has prohibited use of user fees for this purpose.
Thinking back to my first conversation with an FDA employee, it reinforces
my conviction that the agency's lack of transparency is still one of its leading
problems. I believe the FDA is here for us - the consumers. We cannot be expected
to write Freedom of Information letters every time we ask a question that may
affect a family member. FDA's secrecy may be appropriate for Homeland Security
or the CIA, but not for an agency that regulates goods that amount to 25 cents
out of every dollar the American consumer spends each year. Because of the agency's
insistence that even benign information is a "trade secret," consumers have
become increasingly suspect that important facts that could affect their health
are being purposely hidden. Paranoia will continue to grow until this policy
is changed.
Additionally, because of this secrecy policy, FDA has never been able to defend
itself appropriately when it comes under fire. The public's perception
that the agency is beholden to the industries it regulates continues to grow.
The agency's decision makers should be reminded that they are not running
the Defense Department with national security concerns. FDA must be free to
answer consumers' questions readily and factually.
I continue to believe that public health catastrophes would be less likely
to occur if the agency were substantially strengthened and had the full support
of key congressional committees. The FDA needs greater enforcement capabilities,
and a substantial increase in funding to allow it to respond to public health
controversies. Its performance should be measured not on speed, but scientific
evidence and excellence. Fast-track reviews should be used only for treatments
addressing serious and life-threatening diseases. Since no one ever died from
osteoarthritis or erectile dysfunction, there has never been a medical reason
to speed reviews of other types of drugs.
If Congress gives the FDA the tools, the agency will secure the public's
trust. For all the talk about less government and smaller government, the FDA
is one area of government that the public wants more of, not less. People want
assurances that the food on their table will not make them sick. They want to
be certain that medical devices will not break when they are used. They want
to be confident that the medicines they take will enhance, not destroy, their
health.
It is up to Congress to reinforce America's trust in the FDA, so it can
guard our nation from health catastrophes that are much more of an immediate
real threat than bioweapons. Even more importantly, Congress has to learn what
every housewife knows, "You get what you pay for." Eventually Congress
will recognize that taxpayers are willing to foot the bill for a strengthened
FDA simply because we as a society cannot afford not to.
In this sense, I have given you a snapshot of the past 25 years the way I see
it. The pendulum has swung from a restrictive unbending agency consumed with
absolute safety to the AIDS epidemic when sensible changes were made for the
sake of desperately ill people with serious and life-threatening diseases, to
now when tens of thousands of deaths are being blamed on arthritis pain medicines
because the pendulum has swung too far in the other direction. As a consumer
advocate, I want the pendulum to swing back to the middle. I want the curtains
of secrecy to open wide so that FDA can answer questions truthfully, and defend
itself when attacked by irate public relations firms who tell half truths in
their effort to protect their clients.
To us, the Orphan Drug Program works so well only because we recognized that
we cannot manufacture orphan drugs ourselves. We need the industry. There are
many wonderful and dedicated people in the industry who want to do the right
thing. They should not suffer because of the outlaws who abuse the system.
This is why we need a strengthened FDA as the public's policeman for
drugs, biologics, medical devices, veterinary medicines, foods and cosmetics.
If Congress does nothing, medicines may soon be sold like nutritional supplements,
making any claim for any health condition, with tablets that don't even
contain the labeled ingredients. The fact is, the agency will not be able to
return to its former glory - the point at which the pendulum hung dead center
- unless Congress gives it the resources and authority it needs to do its job.
In this sense, I believe all of the catastrophic health events of the past few
years have finally made the public and its elected representatives realize how
important the FDA's mission really is.
Thank you.